The existing sentiment inside Labour MPs nowadays adheres to Edgar's law. This states that the extent of any misfortune is only gauged against yet-to-come catastrophes. As the Bard has the banished son of the sightless nobleman state in the play: “The worst is absent, provided that we can say ‘this is the worst’.”
According to this concept, there exists no public opinion measure so pessimistic regarding the party that won't be followed by a subsequent worse one; no economic projection so bad that the Treasury won't exacerbate via mixed indications about levies; no doubts about Keir Starmer that won't be heightened through malicious leaks regarding a contest for leadership.
Against this backdrop, the latest revelation of strategies that aim to reduce the amount of displaced persons granted entry to Britain, based upon a famously strict Scandinavian model, was received less badly among party members than might have been expected. There emerged flashes of backbench anger however no blaze of dissent.
Hardening immigration policies is not the party's natural territory, yet the existing framework is evidently broken while citizens are furious. The majority of representatives comprehend the position that open-mindedness and intercommunal harmony are easier to cultivate when there is confidence that the nation's borders are secure.
Reserved MP positions may also represent foreboding. MPs have learned that everything is negotiable alongside a purposeless head with flexible principles. Current proclamations could be withdrawn tomorrow. There is no need to charge forward if successes can be achieved by attrition.
A frequent grievance is that Starmer is scarcely operating the administration in any meaningful way, having delegated political judgment to his principal advisor. This doesn't imply the leader is without administrative energy, he just prefers to refrain from intervening in departmental disputes or engage in extended discussions.
Starmer came to political parties during later professional life, initially becoming an MP during his early fifties. He has no feel about movement history – the collection of historical arguments, campaigns, characters and cultural references that connect a leader to the wider movement and its feeling of shared purpose.
His innermost beliefs are a mystery to government members. As one senior Labour figure puts it: “The Prime Minister is quite different as head of government in giving the impression that whatever he personally thinks is none of your business.”
The product packaged representing the leader during the previous electoral contest has also not delivered its promised advantages: managerial competence culminating in national renewal. Had the UK maintained a two-party system, the memory of how bad things were during Conservative rule may continue patience with Labour.
That presages a devastating defeat for party representatives in municipal and devolved elections next May. It shall represent a moment of extreme peril for the Prime Minister, provided he remains until then.
Absent in these calculations is agreement on the identity of an alternative leader and their proposed policies could vary with existing administration plans. This weakness regarding changeover preparations is cited by those backing the incumbent among numerous justifications to stick with the existing prime minister.
Even as unhappy parliamentarians might recoil from such cautions, they similarly perceive through them the familiar, meaningless sound of low ambition that induces despair regarding present circumstances. It represents the noise of failure to describe the approach as anything more than a set of methods for maintaining position.
It is hard to inspire faithfulness for such an objective. Numerous parliamentarians have tried. They have followed the party line, supported it during canvassing, obeyed the whips, trusted promises that their issues received attention.
Regicide contains considerable peril, yet, might it be more dangerous versus acting as if that the existing prime minister has answers about important matters that he never even names? The Shakespearean principle suggests prudence regarding the replacement of a current head of government. The alternative may turn out poorer.
“The burden of this sad time we need to follow; State true sentiments, instead of proper declarations.”
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